愛國(guó)用英語怎么說

2023年12月26日發(fā)(作者：昆明翠湖)

愛國(guó)用英語怎么說

先有國(guó)，后有家。我們都應(yīng)該熱愛我們的祖國(guó)，義不容辭。那么你知道愛國(guó)用英語怎么說嗎?現(xiàn)在跟店鋪一起學(xué)習(xí)關(guān)于愛國(guó)的英語知識(shí)吧。

愛國(guó)用英語怎么說

patriotism

patriotic

love of country

愛國(guó)英語例句

al Patriotic Movement

全國(guó)愛國(guó)運(yùn)動(dòng)(愛國(guó)運(yùn)動(dòng))

Patriotic Army

盧旺達(dá)愛國(guó)軍(愛國(guó)軍)

patriots belong to one big family, whether they rally to

the common cau early or late.

愛國(guó)一家，愛國(guó)不分先后。

Army (APR)

盧旺達(dá)軍(愛國(guó)軍)

ous [patriotic] ntiment

宗教情操 [愛國(guó)心]

of and devotion to one's country.

愛國(guó)主義熱愛祖國(guó)和為國(guó)獻(xiàn)身的精神

who loves, supports, and defends one's country.

愛國(guó)者熱愛、支持和保衛(wèi)自己國(guó)家的人

des Patriotes Democratiques

民主愛國(guó)人士聯(lián)盟(愛國(guó)聯(lián)盟)

is traditional for Chine religious believers to love their

country and religions.

中國(guó)的宗教徒有愛國(guó)愛教的傳統(tǒng)。

g, expressing, or inspired by love for one's country.

愛國(guó)的，有愛國(guó)熱情的愛國(guó)的，表達(dá)對(duì)祖國(guó)的熱愛的，被對(duì)祖國(guó)的愛所鼓舞的

tism are its roots deep in the instincts and the

offections, love of country is the expansion do dutiful love.

愛國(guó)注意根植在人的本性和愛心中，熱愛祖國(guó)是忠誠之愛的延展。

unity of loving a country, loving people and loving

socialism --Discussion on Deng Xiaoping s patriotic ideas;

愛國(guó)、愛人民、愛社會(huì)主義的高度統(tǒng)一——論鄧小平的愛國(guó)主義思想

patriot rendered rvices to his country all his life.

愛國(guó)者畢生為國(guó)家效力。

e Patriotic Catholic Association

中國(guó)天主教愛國(guó)委員會(huì)

tism is penalized and innocent people are in jail

everywhere;

愛國(guó)有罪，冤獄遍于國(guó)中;

TISM AND INTERNATIONALISM

愛國(guó)主義和國(guó)際主義

e has said that not loving socialism isn't

equivalent to not loving one's motherland.

有人說不愛社會(huì)主義不等于不愛國(guó)。

with patriotism, ambition, love, etc

充滿愛國(guó)主義精神、 雄心勃勃、 滿懷愛心

關(guān)于愛國(guó)的英文閱讀：一場(chǎng)愛國(guó)主義與民族主義的對(duì)決

Discard the familiar labels. Emmanuel Macron has broken the

mould of French politics. The En Marche! leader says his cond-round presidential contest with the National Front’s Marine Le

Pen prents instead a choice between patriotism and

nationalism. He is right. This insight should resonate well beyond

France. The dividing line that now matters in rich democracies

lies between patriots and nationalists.

丟掉熟悉的標(biāo)簽。埃馬紐埃爾?馬克龍(Emmanuel Macron)打破了法國(guó)政治的固有模式。這位“前進(jìn)”運(yùn)動(dòng)(En Marche!)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人稱，他與國(guó)民陣線(National Front)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人馬琳?勒龐(Marine Le Pen)之間的第二輪總統(tǒng)大選對(duì)決，等于讓民眾在愛國(guó)主義與民族主義之間做出一個(gè)選擇。他說得沒錯(cuò)。這個(gè)見解應(yīng)能在法國(guó)以外的廣大地區(qū)引起共鳴。如今，愛國(guó)主義者和民族主義者之間的分野已成為富裕民主國(guó)家內(nèi)部一條意義重大的分界線。

Populist insurgents across Europe have obscured the

distinction. Citizens, they pretend, must choo between fealty to

the nation and a wrecking globalism. The flag waving has

destabilid mainstream parties of right and left. Some on the

right have sought to ride the nationalist tiger. Hence British prime

minister Theresa May’s unfortunate asrtion that citizens of

the world are citizens of nowhere. On the left, the common

mistake has been to disavow any display of allegiance as

xenophobia.

歐洲各地的民粹主義造反者使這一區(qū)別變得模糊。他們自稱，公民必須在忠于國(guó)家與破壞性的全球主義之間做出抉擇。這種有力的煽動(dòng)使左翼和右翼的主流政黨都發(fā)生了動(dòng)搖。一些右翼人士試圖騎上民族主義這只“猛虎”。因此有了英國(guó)首相特里薩?梅(Theresa May)令人遺憾的斷言——世界公民是不屬于任何國(guó)家的公民。在左翼，常見的錯(cuò)誤是把任何效忠表現(xiàn)都斥為仇外。

Mr Macron, the insider-outsider of European politics, has met

the populists head on. Defying Mrs May’s binary choice, he

proclaims himlf an internationalist and a proud citizen of

France.

擁有歐洲政治局內(nèi)人加局外人雙重身份的馬克龍與民粹主義者正面對(duì)上。無視梅非此即彼的選擇題，他宣布自己既是一名國(guó)際主義者，

又是一名自豪的法國(guó)公民。

We have been here before. Surveying the forces that

plunged Europe into war during the 1930s, the writer George

Orwell saw the same blurring of lines. Patriotism, he wrote, is a

positive emotion celebrating national institutions, traditions and

values. It is open and optimistic. Nationalism is an altogether

darker force, rooted at once in superiority and paranoia.

我們?cè)龅竭^這種情況。在研究導(dǎo)致上世紀(jì)30年代歐洲陷入戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的因素時(shí)，作家喬治?奧威爾(George Orwell)發(fā)現(xiàn)了同樣的模糊了的分界線。他寫道，愛國(guó)主義是一種稱頌國(guó)家制度、傳統(tǒng)和價(jià)值觀的積極情感，是開放的、樂觀的。民族主義絕對(duì)要陰暗得多，同時(shí)根植于優(yōu)越感和偏執(zhí)癥。

Patriots have no quarrel with the choices made by others.

Nationalists look for enemies, framing international relations as

a zero-sum game. The thoughts of the nationalist, Orwell

obrved, “always turn on victories, defeats, triumphs and

humiliations”.

愛國(guó)主義者對(duì)他人做出的選擇并無怨言。民族主義者尋找敵人，將國(guó)際關(guān)系視為零和博弈。奧威爾指出，民族主義者的思想“總是離不開勝利、失敗、成功和恥辱”。

He might have been talking about today’s Europe.

Nationalists across the continent have destabilid the postwar

liberal order by peddling the politics of exclusion and vilification.

Petty tyrants such as Hungary’s Viktor Orban exult in their

illiberalism. Poland is in the grip of a nationalist party that openly

repudiates the values of the EU — though it of cour insists on

holding on to its access to generous Brusls funding. Beppe

Grillo’s anti-European Five Star Movement in Italy threatens to

overturn the ancien regime in collaboration with the far-right

Northern League.

他描繪的簡(jiǎn)直就是今天的歐洲。歐洲大陸各地的民族主義者通過兜售排外和中傷式的政治，擾亂了戰(zhàn)后的自由秩序。匈牙利的歐爾班?維克托(Viktor Orban)之流的小暴君們?yōu)樗麄兎钚械姆醋杂芍髁x而感到歡欣鼓舞。掌控波蘭的民族主義政黨公開否定歐盟的價(jià)值觀——盡管它當(dāng)然繼續(xù)希望得到歐盟的慷慨資金援助。在意大利，貝佩?格里洛(Beppe Grillo)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的反歐洲的五星運(yùn)動(dòng)(Five Star Movement)，威脅要與極右翼的北方聯(lián)盟(Northern League)合作推翻舊制度。

Ms Le Pen is as true as any to Orwell’s characterisation. Her

brand of nationalism is pinched and tribal. Leading a party long

soaked in anti-Semitism she has added Islam, Europe and

globalisation to the roll of enemies. France, in this mindt, is a

civilisation under siege. The appeal is to the angry and

dispossd. The suppod remedies — state control,

vilification of immigrants, and protectionism — is the familiar

snake oil of demagogues.

勒龐恰如奧威爾筆下刻畫的人物。她的民族主義思想干癟且狹隘。她領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的是一個(gè)長(zhǎng)期奉行反猶主義的政黨，她還把伊斯蘭教、歐洲及全球化加入了敵人之列。按照這種思維模式，法國(guó)文明被圍攻了。這對(duì)憤怒的群眾、無產(chǎn)者很有吸引力。所謂的補(bǔ)救措施——國(guó)家控制、貶低移民和保護(hù)主義——是蠱惑民心的政客們熟練使用的萬靈藥。

Populism has had purcha becau many of the grievances

it has tapped are real. Unemployment is unacceptably high,

median incomes have stagnated, welfare systems are under

pressure and well-heeled bankers who laid low the world

economy continue to fill their boots with cash. There should be

no surpri that angry voters are receptive to angry slogans. But

the populists have profited also from the complacency and

timidity of the old elites. Some, like Mrs May, have tacked to the

right. Others have stared at their feet. Parties of the centre-left

have stood by idly as their traditional supporters have derted

them in droves.

民粹主義之所以有市場(chǎng)，是因?yàn)楸黄淅玫脑S多不滿情緒都是真實(shí)的。失業(yè)率高得令人無法接受，收入中位值停止增長(zhǎng)，福利制度承受巨大壓力，而讓世界經(jīng)濟(jì)陷入低迷的富有銀行家們還在繼續(xù)撈錢。憤怒的選民樂于接受憤怒的口號(hào)，這一點(diǎn)也不奇怪。但民粹主義者也得益于老派精英們的自滿和怯懦。有些人已經(jīng)倒向右翼，比如英國(guó)首相。其他人成了縮頭烏龜。中左翼政黨只好袖手旁觀，因?yàn)樗麄兊膫鹘y(tǒng)支持者已成批成批地將他們拋棄。

There are many reasons why the UK voted last year to leave

the EU, but the failure over many years of British politicians of

any persuasion ever to state the compelling ca for clo co-operation with the rest of the European continent laid the ground

for Brexit. The “hard” Brexit and toughening of immigration

controls now propod by Mrs May speak to a fear of open,

internationalist politics. Better, in the prime minister’s mind, to

risk rious damage to Britain’s curity and prosperity than to

stand on the wrong side of the populists of the United Kingdom

Independence party.

導(dǎo)致英國(guó)去年公投決定退出歐盟的原因很多，但多年來哪一派英國(guó)政治家都未能闡明與歐洲大陸密切合作的有力理由，這撒下了英國(guó)退歐的種子。“硬退歐”以及梅現(xiàn)在提議的更加嚴(yán)格的移民控制，表現(xiàn)出對(duì)開放的國(guó)際主義政治的恐懼。在首相梅看來，即便冒著嚴(yán)重?fù)p害英國(guó)安全與繁榮的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，也好于在面對(duì)英國(guó)獨(dú)立黨(Independence

party)的民粹主義者時(shí)站在了錯(cuò)誤的一邊。

Mr Macron is the first rious leader to make the patriotic

ca — to argue that the interests of France and the curity,

economic and physical, of its citizens rest on recovering a strong

voice on the global stage. He is unapologetic in identifying the

French economic interest with that of Europe, and of explaining

that some of the biggest challenges facing the nation —

terrorism and climate change among them — demand

international collaboration rather than French retreat. It will em

odd to some that a leader should attract prai for laying out the

simple facts of interdependence but that in itlf is a measure of

how far politics has fallen in the face of the populists.

馬克龍是首位鄭重其事地以愛國(guó)主義為理由提出以下主張的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人——他認(rèn)為法國(guó)的利益、法國(guó)公民的經(jīng)濟(jì)和人身安全要依靠法國(guó)在全球舞臺(tái)上重拾強(qiáng)大的話語權(quán)。他堅(jiān)定地認(rèn)為法國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益與歐洲的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益一致，法國(guó)面臨的最嚴(yán)峻挑戰(zhàn)——包括恐怖主義和氣候變化——都需要國(guó)際合作，法國(guó)自己不能退縮。一名領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人因闡明相互依賴的簡(jiǎn)單事實(shí)而受稱贊在一些人看來似乎有些奇怪，但從中可以看出，政治在民粹主義者面前淪落到了怎樣的地步。

None of this is to say Mr Macron will ultimately be successful

in his endeavour. If, as the polls indicate, he cures a comfortable

victory over Ms Le Pen in the cond-round runoff on May 7, he

faces parliamentary elections in June. En Marche! is a movement

rather than a party and will struggle to win large numbers of ats

in the asmbly.

這并不是說馬克龍的努力最終一定會(huì)取得成功。如果(按民調(diào)所示)他能在5月7日的決勝輪中輕松戰(zhàn)勝勒龐，他還將面對(duì)6月的議會(huì)選舉?！扒斑M(jìn)”運(yùn)動(dòng)還只是一場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)，而非真正意義上的政黨，很難在議會(huì)中贏得大量席位。

Nor is the would-be president’s prescription of domestic

reform and international engagement assured of public support:

nearly half of the voters in the first round of the presidential poll

back candidates of the extreme right and left.

或?qū)⒊蔀榭偨y(tǒng)的馬克龍就國(guó)內(nèi)改革和國(guó)際參與開出的藥方也并不必然能得到公眾支持：近一半的選民在總統(tǒng)選舉首輪投票中支持極右翼和極左翼候選人。

That said, Mr Macron has illuminated the only path available

to supporters of liberal, open societies. Nationalism, as Europe

should have learnt, is always destructive. Patriotism is the

antidote.

話雖如此，馬克龍為自由、開放型社會(huì)的支持者們指明了唯一一條可行的道路。民族主義始終是有破壞性的——這是歐洲早該吸取的教訓(xùn)。而愛國(guó)主義是一劑良藥。