肯尼迪就職演說賞析中英文版

2024年2月15日發(作者：在線活動)

肯尼迪就職演說賞析中英文版

肯尼迪就職演說賞析中英文版 我們今天不是祝賀黨派的勝利，而是參加自由的慶典 :它象征著一個開始 --也是一個結束 ;它代表換代 --也是更新。因為在你們和全能的上帝面前，我已經宣布了一百七十四年前我們祚告誡這同一個莊嚴的誓言。

現在的世界發生巨大的變化。人類用自己的死亡之手握住了蕩盡所有人間貧困和所有人類生命的勢力。然而，我們祚這戰斗的這同一個革命信念，仍然圍繞著地球在爭論 --這個信念就是 :人類的權利并非來自政府的慷慨施舍，而是來自上帝的手贈送。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是獨立革命的后嗣。讓革命這個詞從這個時刻，這個地點傳給朋友，也傳給敵人。這個火把已經傳給了新的一代美國人 --他們誕生在這個國度，經歷過戰爭的鍛煉，又接受了一個艱苦、嚴峻的和平時期的考驗 ;他們為自己繼承的悠久傳統自豪 ;他們不愿意目睹或容忍那些人類權利無休無止的躁蹭。正是為了這些權利，這個國家一直在獻身 ;也正是為了這些權利，我們今天在國內、在世界各地還在第 1 頁 共 12 頁

繼續獻身 ;也正是為了這些權利，我們今天在國內，在世界各地還在繼續獻身。

讓每一個國家都知道，不論它是祝福我們，還是詛咒我們，我們將不惜任何 代價、肩負任何重擔、迎對任何艱難、支援任何朋友、反抗任何敵人，以保障自由的主權和勝利 !

這就是我們的保證，而且不僅如此 : --對那些分享其文化、精神血統的昔日盟國，我們保證是他們忠實朋友。團結起來我們在合作探險的廣闊天地里就無所不能 ;一旦分裂，我們則將一事無成，因為在爭吵與離異中，我們就不敢面對強有力的挑戰。

--對那些我們歡迎加入自由行列的新獨立國家，我們保證 :決不允許殖民統治剛剛死亡，就又被一位變本加厲的專制暴君代替 !我們并不總是期待著看到他們支持我們的觀點，但是，我們將永遠希望看見他們堅決維護自己的自 由，并且記住 :在以往，凡是愚蠢地騎在虎背上追求權力的人，無不葬身虎腹?? --對我們國家南部的姐妹共和國，我們提出特別保證 :把我們善意的詞句變成善意的行動，在一個爭取進步的聯盟里，幫助自由人民共國和自由政府斬斷貧窮的鎖鏈。但是，這個希望中的和平革命不能成為不友好政權嘴中的獵物。讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道 :我們將堅決和他們一起，反抗在美洲任第 2 頁 共 12 頁

何地方的侵略與顛覆 ;也讓每一個外部勢力都清楚，這個半球決意繼續當它自己房間的主人。

--對聯合國這個主權國家的世界集體，我們在戰爭機器遠遠勝過和平機器的一段時期里表示過最良好的 祝愿。我們重申支持它的保證 ;阻止它就僅是惡語攻擊的講壇 ;加強它保護新獨立國家和弱小國家作用 ;擴大服從它的法令地區。

--最后，對那些愿作我們敵人的國家，我們提出的不是保證，而是一項請求，不要挨到被科學釋放的毀滅性可怕能量在蓄謀或意外的自毀中吞滅了整個人類，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平吧。

我們不敢用軟弱來勸誘他們。只有當我們武器不容置疑的充足，我們才能毋庸置疑地肯定它們永久不會被使用。然而，兩個強大陣營都不可能從我們目前的角逐中嘗到舒適 --雙方都背負著現代武器的沉重耗費 ;雙方都受到原子死神擴散的直言警告 ;可是 雙方又都拼命改變那延緩人類末日戰爭指針轉動的，不穩定的恐怖平衡。

因此讓我們重新開始 --雙方都記住 :禮貌并非是怯懦的表示，而真誠則永遠需要得到驗證。讓我們決不要因為害怕而談判，但是，讓我們決不要害怕談判。讓雙方都來探索使我們走到一起的途徑，而不是對那些使我們對立的問題作不必要的說明。讓雙方都第一次提出嚴肅的切實可行的建議，來檢查和第 3 頁 共 12 頁

控制武器，并且把摧毀別國的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

讓以方都來尋求科學奇跡的福星，而不是它的恐懼。讓我們來共同探索星球、征服沙漠、根絕疾病、開發海底以及鼓勵藝術和商業貿易。

讓雙方聯合起來，在這片土地的每一個角落，遵從以賽亞的指引，“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓者得到自由”。

如果建立合作的基礎可以緩和爾虞我詐的惡爭，讓我們攜手進行新的努力，不是新的勢力平衡，而是一個新法法制世界，在那里，強者正義，弱者無慮，和平受到保衛。

所有這些在一百日內不會完成，在一千日內和本屆政府的任期內也不會完成，甚至當我們 (這一代人 )在這個星球上終止我們的生命時，它們也許會完成。但是，讓我們著手吧 !

我的同胞們，在我的手里，更在你們的手里決定著我們的事業的最后成敗。自從這個國家建立以來，每一個美國人 都受到召喚在證明他對國家的忠誠。年輕的美國人響應了這一召喚，為國盡忠，他們的陵墓遍布世界各地。

現在，號角又在召喚我們 :不是扛起槍，盡管我們需要武器 ;不是戰斗，盡管我們嚴陣以待。而是肩負起漫長的黎明前斗爭的重擔，年復一年，“在希望中歡樂，在苦難中忍耐” -第 4 頁 共 12 頁

-這是反對暴政、貧困、疾病和戰爭本身這些人類共同敵人一場斗爭。

南方、北方、東部、西部，我們就不能鑄成反對那些敵人的雄壯的全球同盟嗎 ?它能夠保證整個人類生活得更富裕豐足。你們愿意參加這個具有歷史意義的斗爭嗎 ? 在這世界古老的歷史中，在自由身陷最危險境地的時刻 ，只有幾代人被賦予了保衛它的使命。我決不在這個責任面前退縮。我歡迎它。我不相信我們中有誰會把我們的重任推給別人或是另外一代人。精力、信念、獻身 --我們呈奉給這場斗爭的犧牲 --將照亮我們的國家和所有為她盡忠的人。從這簇火焰中升華的光輝一定能夠照亮世界 ! 所以，我的美國同胞們 !不要問人的祖國能為你們做什么，問一問你們能為自己的祖國做什么。

我的同屬于這個世界的公民們，不要問美國將為你們做些什么，問一問我們能為人類的自由共同做些什么。最后，不論你是美利堅公民還是世界公民，我要求你的力量與獻身，你在這里也向我們提出 同樣高的要求吧，懷著一顆良心 --我們唯一確定無疑的賞賜，伴隨著歷史 --我們行為的最后法官，讓我們走上前來引領我們熱愛的這塊土地，祈求上帝的祝愿和保佑，但是要記住 :在地球的這里，上帝的努力也就是我們的努力 ! Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief

Justice, President Einhower, Vice President Nixon,

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President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: We

obrve today not a victory of party, but a

celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well

as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as

change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God

the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a

century and three-quarters ago. The world is very

different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the

power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all

forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary

beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at

issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights

of man come not from the generosity of the state, but

from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we

are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word

go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe

alike, that the torch has been pasd to a new

generation of Americans -- born in this century,

tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter

peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to

witness or permit the slow undoing of tho human

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rights to which this nation has always been committed,

and to which we are committed today at home and around

the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us

well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any

burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppo

any foe, to assure the survival and the success of

liberty. This much we pledge -- and more. To tho old

allies who cultural and spiritual origins we share,

we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United

there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative

ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we

dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split

asunder. To tho new states whom we welcome to the

ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of

colonial control shall not have pasd away merely to

be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not

always expect to find them supporting our view. But we

shall always hope to find them strongly supporting

their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past,

tho who foolishly sought power by riding the back of

the tiger ended up inside. To tho people in the huts

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and villages of half the globe struggling to break the

bonds of mass miry, we pledge our best efforts to

help them help themlves, for whatever period is

required -- not becau the Communists may be doing it,

not becau we ek their votes, but becau it is

right. If a free society cannot help the many who are

poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our

sister republics south of our border, we offer a

special pledge: to convert our good words into good

deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free

men and free governments in casting off the chains of

poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot

become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our

neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppo

aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And

let every other power know that this hemisphere

intends to remain the master of its own hou. To that

world asmbly of sovereign states, the United Nations,

our last best hope in an age where the instruments of

war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we

renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from

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becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen

its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the

area in which its writ may run. Finally, to tho

nations who would make themlves our adversary, we

offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides

begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers

of destruction unleashed by science engulf all

humanity in planned or accidental lf-destruction. We

dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our

arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain

beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But

neither can two great and powerful groups of nations

take comfort from our prent cour -- both sides

overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both

rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly

atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance

of terror that stays the hand of mankind s final war.

So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that

civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is

always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of

fear, but let us never fear to negotiate. Let both

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sides explore what problems unite us instead of

belaboring tho problems which divide us. Let both

sides, for the first time, formulate rious and

preci proposals for the inspection and control of

arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other

nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let

both sides ek to invoke the wonders of science

instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the

stars, conquer the derts, eradicate dia, tap the

ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce. Let

both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth,

the command of Isaiah -- to “undo the heavy burdens,

and [to] let the oppresd go free.“sup1; And, if a

beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of

suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new

endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new

world of law -- where the strong are just, and the

weak cure, and the peace prerved. All this will

not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor

will it be finished in the first one thousand days;

nor in the life of this Administration; nor even

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perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us

begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than

mine, will rest the final success or failure of our

cour. Since this country was founded, each

generation of Americans has been summoned to give

testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young

Americans who answered the call to rvice surround

the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as

a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a

call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call

to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year

in and year out, “rejoicing in hope; patient in

tribulation,“2 a struggle against the common enemies

of man: tyranny, poverty, dia, and war itlf. Can

we forge against the enemies a grand and global

alliance, North and South, East and West, that can

assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you

join in that historic effort? In the long history of

the world, only a few generations have been granted

the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum

danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I

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welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would

exchange places with any other people or any other

generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which

we bring to this endeavor will light our country and

all who rve it. And the glow from that fire can

truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans,

ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you

can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the

world, ask not what America will do for you, but what

together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally,

whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the

world, ask of us here the same high standards of

strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a

good conscience our only sure reward, with history the

final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the

land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but

knowing that here on earth God s work must truly be

our own.

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